Support for Thuggery Against Greenpeace Worrying

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ON JULY 15 this year, when members of the thuggish Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) staged a rally outside the headquarters of environmental group Greenpeace in Kemang, South Jakarta, Greenpeace staff invited several of the group’s leaders into the building for a chat.

The FBR claims to represent the interests of the Orang Betawi, Jakarta’s original inhabitants. However, since its establishment in 2002, the group has been widely believed to have developed strong links to organised crime, particularly protection rackets. Critics also accuse FBR leaders of maintaining close ties to local politicians who rely on thuggery to manage their constituencies.

Emerging from the Greenpeace office some time later, FBR spokesmen told waiting journalists that they were there to protest against the negative reports Greenpeace had allegedly published about Indonesia. They also threatened to close Greenpeace down, accusing the organisation of being an illegal body because it had not registered with the Jakarta city government.

When I met Greenpeace’s Indonesia representative, Ms Nur Hidayati, in Jakarta in early August, she told me that the FBR leaders were polite but not very well informed. Somewhat surprisingly, the FBR had advised the police of their intentions and the latter had turned up outside the Greenpeace headquarters as well. “I got the impression that they (the FBR leaders) actually didn’t want to create a serious incident,” she said. One Greenpeace activist, who was also present at the meeting, later commented that he believed the FBR was just going through the motions after concluding a deal with other parties. Political organisers are known to hire thugs to take part in local rallies.

Since then, various politicians have weighed in on the issue, with some accusing the environmental group of pursuing the economic interests of foreign entities. Golkar politician Prya Ramadhani, widely regarded as a possible candidate for governor or deputy governor in Jakarta’s upcoming gubernatorial elections, has recently joined the anti-Greenpeace campaign.

The influential Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) has also urged the government to outlaw the environmental organisation, alleging that the group’s operations have been funded by money from gambling operations in the Netherlands.

Greenpeace denies this, saying that the bulk of the organisation’s funds come from Indonesian individuals, many of whom donate regularly. Currently, the Indonesian branch has a membership of more than 30,000. Greenpeace does not accept donations from companies.

Attacks on non-governmental organisations (NGOs), particularly environmental and human rights groups, at the behest of vested interests are not new in Indonesia. But this may well be the first time that so many prominent organisations and individuals have expressed tacit approval of the harassment. The development is worrying and suggests that Indonesia may be entering a new and more dangerous political phase.

Greenpeace’s activities in Indonesia began in the mid-1990s. Operating from its main office in Thailand, the organisation cooperated with local activists to campaign successfully against the dumping of hazardous waste in Indonesia by European companies.

Greenpeace set up its Jakarta office in 2006 with permission from the ministry of law and human rights. Almost immediately, it began campaigning on a wide range of issues, including nuclear power, climate change, renewable energy and forestry.

One of the most successful campaigns was a 2009 drive to force Singapore-listed Golden Agri Resources, a subsidiary of the Sinar Mas Group, to adopt environmentally friendly practices on its vast palm oil plantations. According to Ms Hidayati, the coordinated attacks on Greenpeace came only after the group turned its attention to deforestation late last year.

Asia Pulp and Paper (APP), another Sinar Mas subsidiary, has been a particular target. Last November, Greenpeace activists hijacked an awards ceremony in Brussels to present “The Golden Chainsaw Award” to the paper manufacturer. And in April this year, a group of Greenpeace supporters dressed in orang-utan outfits harassed staff at a Sydney conference held by APP affiliate Solaris. APP has consistently denied any involvement in the attempt to intimidate Greenpeace.

Ms Hidayati sees the FBR campaign as a mere distraction. “We don’t want to be trapped in a horizontal conflict with them,” she told me. Even so, the organisation is taking the threat seriously. Greenpeace now employs guards to provide 24-hour security. Unusual among NGO offices in Indonesia, the main entrance is now protected by a strong door with a combination lock. Other possible entrances, however, are not so well secured. “They could still get in if they really wanted to,” she admitted.

Such is the price of environmental advocacy in Indonesia.

Copyright © 2011 Singapore Press Holdings Ltd

Key Political Risks

Asia is the fastest growing region in the world, and is likely to remain so in 2013. However, a number of risks cloud the picture.

The good news is that domestic demand in the region remains strong and should continue to cushion the impact of weaker external demand on overall economic growth. The completion of national elections in Japan and South Korea in December 2012 should also help reduce political uncertainties. 

But Asian governments will need to guard against the adverse impact of prolonged easy financial conditions on inflation.

Rising inequality also continues to threaten social stability. Ethnic and religious rivalries remain just below the surface in many countries. When combined with government corruption and (in some countries) high youth unemployment, this could become a deadly mix. This seems particularly true of China.

Territorial disputes also require close monitoring. Much diplomatic activity in the new year is likely to be centered on finding ways to reduce tensions over resource-rich islands in the South China Sea, where Beijing's claims overlap with those of Japan, Vietnam and other Southeast Asian states. South Korea and Japan also have rival territorial claims.

North Korea remains the wild card. Inclined to believe its own propaganda, Pyongyang's new leadership could miscalculate, making belligerent moves that plunge the region into a military conflict that nobody wants.

About Me

My name is Dr Bruce Gale and I am a senior writer with the Singapore Straits Times. I studied at  LaTrobe University (BA Hons) in Melbourne and later at the Centre for Southeast Asian Studies at Monash University (MA). My PhD thesis, which focussed on Malaysian political economy, was completed at the Malaysian National University (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia) in 1987.

From 1988 to 2003 I was Singapore Regional Manager for the Hong Kong based Political and Economic Risk Consultancy (PERC). 

I have written several books and articles on Southeast Asian affairs, including Political Risk and International Business: Case Studies in Southeast Asia (Pelanduk Publications, 2007). Books on language include Mastering Indonesian: a guide to reading Indonesian language newspapers (Pelanduk Publications, 2008)

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