Malaysian Opposition Leader Acquitted

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After almost two years of gutter politics, in which Malaysian politicians focussed on personal attacks rather than on substantive issues, the surprise acquittal of opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim on Monday promises to turn Malaysian politics around.

In reacting to the judgement acquitting Mr anwar of the charge of sodomy, most political observers have focussed on its possible impact on upcoming elections. True, it will allow the opposition icon to shift focus and concentrate upon building up his party machine rather than fight for political survival. Sodomy is a crime in Muslim-majority Malaysia and carries a prison sentence of up to 20 years in jail. A prison sentence of a year or more would have prevented Mr Anwar from holding office for five years after his release.

Arguably, removing Mr Anwar from active politics - even for a few months - would also have put the opposition alliance in jepardy. Love him or loath him, almost everyone agrees that Mr Anwar is the only one capable of holding the fractious grouping together.

Mr Anwar was charged with sodomising a former political aide, a charge that he said was politically motivated.

Observers now see a more level playing field, and predict that the upcoming elections will be the most fiercely contested in the nation's history.

But the verdict could also bolster the government's standing in the eyes of voters. It certainly tends to undermine opposition claims that the whole thing was a political conspiracy forced upon a compliant judiciary. Prime Minister Najib Razak can also claim credit for allowing the rule of law and fairness to prevail. The fact that the police issued a permit to allowed a huge crowd to gather outside the court also counts in his favour.

The more important point, however, is that the removal of the sodomy charge means that an issue that hardened political attitudes on both sides can be set aside.

For almost two years both government and opposition have used the sodomy trial to consolidate their respective political bases. It is time for Malaysian politicians to move on. Both government and opposition leaders claim to be reformers. Hopefully, the country will now be able to witness a debate about the real issues facing the country.

How should corruption be tackled? What plans do the two sides have for getting the country out of the middle income trap? How will they encourage foreign investment and create jobs? And to what extent - if at all - will the government roll back regulations promoting race-based hiring practices in manufacturing companies?

By some estimates, as much as 30 per cent of the electorate remains undecided. Perhaps these are the issues such voters would like to see addressed.


Key Political Risks

Now that the general assembly of UMNO, the senior partner in the ruling National Front coalition government, is over, the long-awaited general election could be held at any time. Constitutionally, Prime Minister Najib Razak has to call elections before April 21st 2012, after which the Elections Commission must hold the election within 60 days.

Widely expected to be the most hotly contested in Malaysian history, the polls will pit Mr Najib's government against a rival political coalition led by charismatic opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim. 

While the opposition Pakatan Rakyat alliance attacks what is says are the corrupt and authoritarian ways of the government, Mr Najib has been describing the opposition coalition as an unnatural alliance of Islamic fundamentalists and multi-ethnic and liberal parties.

The strong economy is likely to favour the government.

WATCH OUT FOR:

  • The size of the expected government victory, particularly the ability of the ruling party to retake control of key states such as Selangor. Mr Najib needs to win convincingly if he is to implement long-delayed economic reforms. These include reducing oil and food subsidies and introducing a goods and services tax to boost government revenue.
  • The ability of Mr Najib to placate conservative elements of his Muslim-based UMNO party who disapprove of his policy of boosting national unity through greater inter-faith and ethnic tolerance.
  • The extent to which the government is able to convince the public that the coming elections will be free and fair. If the election result is close, influential organisation such as Bersih could declare them illegitimate, and stage major protests.

About Me

My name is Dr Bruce Gale and I am a senior writer with the Singapore Straits Times. I studied at  LaTrobe University (BA Hons) in Melbourne and later at the Centre for Southeast Asian Studies at Monash University (MA). My PhD thesis, which focussed on Malaysian political economy, was completed at the Malaysian National University (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia) in 1987.

From 1988 to 2003 I was Singapore Regional Manager for the Hong Kong based Political and Economic Risk Consultancy (PERC). 

I have written several books and articles on Southeast Asian affairs, including Political Risk and International Business: Case Studies in Southeast Asia (Pelanduk Publications, 2007). Books on language include Mastering Indonesian: a guide to reading Indonesian language newspapers (Pelanduk Publications, 2008)

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