Face-Off Between Church and Aquino

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IN THE Philippines, where 80 per cent of the population is Catholic, the Church has played a crucial role at critical moments in the nation’s history. But an increasing number of Filipinos are beginning to see aspects of its teachings as preventing them and their children from enjoying a better life.

Can the Church continue to exercise such influence in Filipino society? President Benigno Aquino does not appear to believe so.

Despite determined opposition from the Catholic Church, he is pressing ahead with a controversial sexual and reproductive health Bill designed to help control population growth and reduce the nation’s high child mortality rate.

First introduced about 14 years ago, the Bill extends sexual health education to schools and makes contraceptives more widely available. It also includes provisions on post-natal care.

The Catholic Church, however, believes the Bill goes against the natural moral order. It has long opposed contraception, and the local hierarchy worries that sex education in schools could encourage children to experiment.

Regardless of whether or not they agree, Philippine politicians cannot afford to take such views lightly. Few have forgotten the so-called People Power Revolution of 1986, when the then Archbishop of Manila, Cardinal Jaime Sin, called Filipinos out into the streets to force dictator Ferdinand Marcos out of office.

A similar fate befell former president Joseph Estrada in 2001, when Cardinal Sin expressed his concern about allegations that the president was corrupt.

Mr Estrada’s successor Gloria Arroyo was therefore understandably wary of incurring the Church’s wrath. When Pope John Paul II died in 2005, she declared three days of mourning and made a point of attending the funeral at the Vatican.

President Aquino, however, seems to be made of sterner stuff. Last month, at the risk of alienating the Church, he declared the reproductive health Bill a priority. Since then, the Bill has been passed at the parliamentary committee level and now awaits consideration by the House of Representatives.

By ignoring the Church’s objections, Mr Aquino is going much further than his late mother, former president Corazon Aquino, did. Out of gratitude to the Church for assisting in the overthrow of Marcos, she removed a clause on family planning in the 1973 Constitution when it was rewritten in 1987.

One reason Mr Aquino is willing to take on the Church is that he is far more popular than many of his predecessors.

According to survey firm Pulse Asia, the President registered an approval rating of 78 per cent in September, up by 11 percentage points from 67 per cent in the previous quarter. He also scored high on public trust. The improvement is particularly impressive, given that it took place during a period of ongoing discussions on the reproductive health Bill.

The proposed legislation has also been getting support from an increasing number of Catholic intellectuals. In early September, 45 senior faculty members at De La Salle University, one of the nation’s leading Catholic universities, defied Philippine bishops and openly supported the Bill. Their declaration followed a similar announcement by academics at rival Catholic institution Ateneo de Manila University.

One of the key provisions of the Bill involves the government purchasing contraceptives, especially the pill and condoms, for free distribution to Filipino couples who cannot afford them. Researchers say that only about 45 per cent to 50 per cent of women or their partners use contraceptives.

The proportion in Indonesia (56 per cent) and Thailand (80 per cent) is much higher, a fact that is reflected in population growth rates. The Philippine population is increasing by 1.9 per cent a year, while Indonesia’s population growth is 1.2 per cent and Thailand’s a mere 0.9 per cent.

Supporters of the Bill also point to government figures showing that the Philippines has the highest rate of unplanned teenage pregnancies in South-east Asia, and a maternal mortality rate higher than Vietnam’s.

But the determination of the Catholic Church to oppose the Bill should not be underestimated. Even without the use of electronic media, the Church’s reach is unrivalled. The Church hierarchy has already sent out several pastoral letters denouncing the proposed legislation to churches across the country, instructing local priests to read them out during sermons.

Not all parishioners are receptive, however. Anecdotal reports speak of worshippers turning their backs or walking out of the church when a priest or bishop denounces the Bill.

Last year, an opinion poll showed that the legislation was supported by about 70 per cent of the population.
However, it may be some time yet before Mr Aquino gets his way. National and local legislative elections are due in May, and as the long campaign kicks off, those candidates who have yet to commit themselves on the issue are unlikely to want to take a strong stance for fear of losing crucial support.
The battle between the Church and State is far from over.

(C) Singapore Press Holdings Limited 

Key Political Risks

President Benigno Aquino has stepped up efforts to lure foreign investors into the country, so far without much success. The country continues to be hobbled by widespread corruption and several long-running insurgencies. 

However, the government has had some success in reducing the budget deficit. The president also remains popular with voters. 

WHAT TO WATCH FOR:

  • Extent to which foreign and domestic investors show interest in big ticket infrastructure projects.
  • Increased spending on the air force and navy to counter Beijing's territorial claims in the disputed Spratly Islands. The issue could become an important point of contention at the East Asia forum in Indonesia in November.
  • The implementation of the "framework agreement" between Manila and the insurgent Moro Islamic Liberation Front announced in early October. If all goes well, a final peace deal may be signed by 2016. 

About Me

My name is Dr Bruce Gale and I am a senior writer with the Singapore Straits Times. I studied at  LaTrobe University (BA Hons) in Melbourne and later at the Centre for Southeast Asian Studies at Monash University (MA). My PhD thesis, which focussed on Malaysian political economy, was completed at the Malaysian National University (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia) in 1987.

From 1988 to 2003 I was Singapore Regional Manager for the Hong Kong based Political and Economic Risk Consultancy (PERC). 

I have written several books and articles on Southeast Asian affairs, including Political Risk and International Business: Case Studies in Southeast Asia (Pelanduk Publications, 2007). Books on language include Mastering Indonesian: a guide to reading Indonesian language newspapers (Pelanduk Publications, 2008)

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